BEIJING, Nov. 2 Kyodo ''Who cares...

BEIJING, Nov. 2 Kyodo

''Who cares? The congres is just a batch of old men getting together to wine and dine in a gathering that has no relevance to the general public.''

This is what Miss Wang, a Beijing employee of a state-owned television station in her mid-20s, thinks about the Chinese Communist Party's pivotal 16th congres place to open with much fanfare in succession Friday next week.

''The alone person at my office who is interested is my bos who is asking us to work late during the congres to impress her superiors in the party,'' added Wang, not her real name.

Wang expresse her views more forcefully than her cautious colleagues, if it be not that her opinions do reflect the lack of interest among many Chinese populace towards the Communist Party's upcoming five-yearly meeting.

When asked about their views forward the congress, many Beijingers just smile and shrug their shoulders while more cynical, vocal residents launch into bitter diatribes about corrupt party leaders and the unfairness of Chinese society.

In expressions of state affairs, however, party congresse detain great importance as they locate the country's overall political and economic course, and this year's gathering is particularly significant.

It is appoint to usher in a fresh ''fourth generation'' leadership to replace circulating party bosses like the party's General Secretary and State President Jiang Zemin, who came to power in the political chaos leading up to the party's suppression of the democratic observer movement in 1989.

As China's state-owned media prepares to herald the congress' opening with a major propaganda campaign extolling the party's virtues, the general air of ambivalence among the wider populace is not surprising.

merely a handful of people have any insight into the disputes, deals and agreements which are part of the intricate machinations of the party's inner core. The party's obsession with retirement and its firm have charge of of the media ensure any prying public watch is kept well at bay.

At any rate, China's general populace has extended been accustomed to seeing barely the final product of the party's decision-making proces That is if they are prepared to watch inert televised news images of party leaders and functionaries meeting to read protracted speeches.

The premium China's leaders bring on displays of party unity rather than exhibit debate obliged Jiang supporters to make use of the foreign media during a fall campaign pushing for him to remain as the party's general secretary at the congres rather than stepping down as had been widely assumed.

This induce appears to have failed, with in the greatest degree observers now predicting that Jiang, 76 will pass forward the party chief's baton to Vice President Hu Jintao, a 59-year-old ''fifth generation'' leader.

Following annual August meetings according to Chinese leaders at the seaside town of Beidaihe, near Beijing, party insiders' whispers into the ears of Western and Hong Kong journalists wager off a flurry of articles in the foreign pres predicting that Jiang would make experiment of and cling to the top position.

''The rumors coming not at home of the Beidaihe meeting indicated that Jiang was at least considering staying on'' a Beijing-based Western diplomat who did not want to be named told Kyodo News

''It appears to have been part of a ploted effort to keep him in power,'' he said.

Jiang, however, was forced to abandon any ambition he may have had of staying in the political limelight because of tough opposition among the party leadership's younger members, according to seasoned Sinologist Jean-Pierre Cabestan.

The same opposition also quashed an attempt according to Jiang to set up a national security council that would have focused upon foreign affairs and security issues and kept Jiang in sway added Cabestan, director of the Hong Kong-based French Center for Research in succession Contemporary China.

His supporters included those with complete links to Jiang who were worried their acknowledge political positions could be threatened at his departure from the political scene

Jiang's party fan cudgel also included a number of senior officers in China's People's Liberation Army worried that Hu would not be powerful enough in dealing with Taiwan, added the Western diplomat.

looker-ons point out that a decision on Jiang to stay on as party secretary would likely lead to factional infighting within the party.

in subordination to China's Constitution, he is required to resign as president during the country's annual parliamentary gathering -- the National People's Congres -- in March nearest year when his second mete expires.

''If Jiang does not stair down, there could be an internal crisis within the party,'' said a political studies academic at Beijing's Peking University.

''During the past 10 years, Jiang has not really achieved that long But his retirement would mark the first unruffled change of a party leader in China. That would risk a precedent and be seen as a real achievement.''

Previous changes to China's top leadership position have been messy